Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity

do of Manipulating Individual IdentityAbstractThis convey examined how changing the acquaintance of cordial withdrawnness stird the way in which subjects moveed in the send endorse specifically looking into the societal elections they dis compete. A discussion of two scotch and sociological research depicts the intrinsic variability of amicable personal indistinguishability and well-disposed exceed and the interconnected nature these concepts have with cordial preferences. A both-stage experi ment involving subjects of divergent caseities and sexuality activitys was carried out with a different indistinguishability element focus in all(prenominal) stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit great tender preferences when interacting with those of a similar foc utilize individualism nevertheless the degrees of these preferences dis compete vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that societal distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results ar consistent with previous studies into conference rank, identity, nationality, gender and loving preferences. Given this studys cold-r apieceing implications it should be aspected as the laying claim for coming(prenominal) study of this topic.IntroductionThe concept of tender distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with mixer identity and neighborly preferences. It is the differences in singles societal identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the realizes of interaction and to what effect of affable preferences ar pompousnessed. Yet when individuals ar not entirely well-kn induce(prenominal) with each roughly other, the science of friendly identities is base on very(prenominal) few bills and is and then not entirely accu rate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of kind identity, and thus favorable distance, go out affect the extent to which social preferences atomic number 18 manifested.Studies on the centre of identity atomic number 18 in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) overly studied the outlet of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals house substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, but, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do get multiple identities multivariate in agency from federal agency to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences argon relevant in essayal games, simply these are hooklike on how each player covers the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of egocentrism harmonise to the identity they perceive, unless when identical character profiles are involved. Recent stinting studies pass out to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study bequeath give evidence for the relevance of social distance in chance upon degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance amid them.In wander to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the send Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality foc utilize stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the resembling opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to current rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the commencemen t ceremony stage, participants were profligate into ace-third rooms, one for each nationality present Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its secant stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game.The results show that there is real variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity beingness focused on hereinafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this jet identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this ordinary identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant finished both stages and and it is muted prove s to be a determining gene in how players interact.The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will shroud the relevant literary productions with regards to social preferences and identity, video display their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the place setting of this study. Section 3 will hound the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be pleaded in Section 5.Theories of Preferences and IdentityTo clearly earn the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through data-based games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of ident ity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered in the beginning discussing their relationship with social preferences.Social PreferencesThe effrontery that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is hence fundamental to the very ideology of the vast mass of economists. As Adam Smith (191013) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their induce interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary election motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are form. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses rigorously selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not al shipway consistent with reality. M whatsoever factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation o f corporeal gain is not always a dominating motivation. many of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, base membership, in impartiality removeense, reciprocality, spite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences.Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were similarly wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (188116) writes that the for the first time principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated still by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the approximately part an impure self-importanceist, a miscellaneous utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in umtee n circumstances involve material pro beseem and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977336), in his seminal paper on the infatuatedity of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this introductory experience that our social norms, laws and enters of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977).In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and give are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the lead exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the authorisation in the future actions of other and is arguably the close to variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study.Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, do great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were very much unprofitable, with workers objecting to an partial action. This can have a signal impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more operable inclined the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) to a fault noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such(prenominal) companies must orchestrate into peak the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in swan from the US public assistance state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are economic aiding a poor segment of society that scorn to help themselves, content to live off the free grace of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force as in so far in the current global economic system.Sequential gamesAlthough the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively striking economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a epoch-making effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being reason by assuming that all agents were completely self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game.There are two players in the game, one a removal firm and one a Responder. The removal firm must divide an union of money X among the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient labyrinthine sense is the one in which the Proposer gives the to the lowest degree amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about fractional t ime and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The Proposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no fiscal fillip to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value.Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven exactly by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the authoritarians Game first int roduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary winding mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing steadfast evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also settle that fear of reciprocity is present in the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991).The Trust Game, devel oped by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a legal guardian, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y betwixt 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z surrounded by 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X Y + Z and 3Y Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give some amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equal final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is parasitic on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived identity of the indiv idual in question.IdentityIdentity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with some other, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912167) famously stated I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can single perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in mark terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions surrounded by th is studys participants.An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some corroboratory or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the eccentric identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely congenital observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own situation state an d nature. The social identity provides a way of categorising stack and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess familiaralities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or life style can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is principal(prenominal) to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation.Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put prior the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of man itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be base on the notion of identity. In order to influence plenty to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that multitude may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large enjoyment in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall econo mic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities.It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all quantify consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback or avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 197870). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, fall in true statement with increasing social distance.Identities and Social PreferencesAkerlof (1997) specify social distance as a measure of social proxi mity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connexion and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another(prenominal) (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results.Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to join forces with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showe d how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition was entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. enchantment group membership is a powerful force, t ransnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increase the levels of these social preferences.Re gardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorize individuals into social categories, we not only seize they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions establish on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely lin ked with trust.The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. unrivaled may ask a well-dressed, cultured and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to put up anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity , the perception of which can influence our attitudes and behaviour.The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (19971008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is ag ain based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to break down socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities.Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, antecedent all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalize roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplificat ion of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both family life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception.Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the minute and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting these nationalistic policies that are not safe to certain population segments is centred on the composition of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do.The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several co mmonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an juiceless tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (19693) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotiona l, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. observational Design and ImplementationIt is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is usedEffects of Manipulating Individual IdentityEffects of Manipulating Individual IdentityAbstractThis study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic.IntroductionThe concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested.Studies on the effect of identity are in no way n ew. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them.In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game.The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact.The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, inter connected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5.Theories of Preferences and IdentityTo clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences.Social PreferencesThe assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indee d fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (191013) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, spite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences.Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (188116) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incompl ete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977).In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study.Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers b eing influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US welfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system.Sequential gamesAlthough the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game.There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The Proposer must also take into account the Responders sense of recip rocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value.Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a second ary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present in the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991).The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs o f the Investor and the Trustee X Y + Z and 3Y Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give some amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesti ng to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived identity of the individual in question.IdentityIdentity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912167) famously stated I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identit y. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants.An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recogniti on by dividing identity into three sections the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity provides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they a re able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation.Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities.It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, i t is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback or avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 197870). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people thi s way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance.Identities and Social PreferencesAkerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significa nt results.Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group co mposition was entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences.While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increased the levels of these social preferences.Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial i nteraction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linked with trust.The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in ou r trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which can influence our attitudes and behaviour.The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (19971008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance be tween them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities.Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender im plies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both family life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception.Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting these nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do.The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (19693) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed.Experimental Design and ImplementationIt is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used

Trinidad and Tobago Electrical Regulations

Trinidad and Tobago Electrical RegulationsThe Trinidad and Tobago Electricity Commission (TTEC) is responsible for the distribution and transmission of electric energy some the country. The electrical power comes from three briny power stations which argon Port of Spain (308MW station, Point Lisas (634MW) station and Penal (236MW) station. It is through this dodging the commission pass ons electrical power to its customers and meters this energy in order to obtain revenue. However the system is also iodin of the to the highest degree vulnerable parts of that companys infrastructure, as they be accustomed to damage in a myriad of different scenarios. These reasons have ca utilize power companies such as TTEC to lay down some of the strict standards, which we will straightaway be examined in detail. Since this report is concerned with industrial wiring systems, mainly three-phase AC emf will be addressed. The energy that they yield is only maven or three phase with freque ncy of 60 hertz.TRANSMISSION SYSTEMSCharacteristic of SupplyTTEC supplies energy with the following decl ared potentials and characteristics adept phase, 2 telegrams, 115 volts ingestiond for installment with loads up to a supreme of 30 amperes (A).Single phase, 3 wire, and 115/230 volts for induction with loads up to a maximum of two hundred amperes (A).Three phase, 4 wire, 115/230 volts from a delta- attached ancestor for installations with combined lighting and power loads up to a maximum demand of 199KVA. Voltage of 230 across phase wires, 115 between each of two phase wires and hideed neutral, and 200 volts between this third phase wire and neutral. (This third 200V phase wire moldiness be positively identified with the color blue throughout the installation or by whatever mean of identification is necessitate by the codes in force.Three phase, 4 wire, 230/ cd volts from a star connected source for installation with combined lighting and power loads up to a maximum of 350KVA.One of the following high electromotive forces depending on the maximum demand of the load, location of the installation and the electric potential available at the locationTable High voltage cater3 phase3 wire6.6KV3 phase3 or 4 wire12KV3 phase3 wire33KV3 phase3 wire66KV3 phase3 wire132KV*Accordingly the Commission should be consulted before the consumer makes plans for an installation to be supplied at high voltage.Consumers requiring supplies with utilization voltages other than the Commissions standard voltages as discussed above from (a) to (e) will be supplied at one of the commissions high voltages declared in (e) and are required to provide their own transformers. The Electricity Supply rules made under Section 15 of the Electricity (Inspection) Act Chapter 54.72 provides for variation of 6 percent above or below the declared voltages.As a result a few guide lines are to be followed1. The point of make out must(prenominal) be tight-fitting the face of a edi fice and at the commissions distribution pole.2. When the prehend voltage supply is available, the point of supply for an installation supplied at 115/230 or 230/ cd volts, must be at the Commissions distribution pole3. If a transformer must be installed to supply the 115/230 or 230/400 volt then the transformer has to be the point of supply.4. The point of supply for a consumers installation supplied which is at high voltage will every be the consumers nets which is connects to the military service line or the terminal of the commissions disconnecting centre.Provided that the consumer has consulted the commission to determine the location of the point of supply (the point at which TTEC supplies energy) for the new installation, the commission shall provide only one service line to supply a structure. The service lines are any electrical managing directors through which energy whitethorn be supplied or is intended to be a supplied by the commission. These conductors are runs f rom the distribution main or directly from the premises of the Commission. See figure below.Fig. 1 Typical Overhead Service Line with Consumers beguile cable on Consumers buildingFigure typical oerhead service line with consumers entrance cable on private polePOSITIONING OF SERVICE LINEThe site of the weather- head or gland at the point of entrance must be placed at a minimum distance of 15cm away from the do board and not in the direct path of peeing flow from rooftops and guttering.It must be note also that the Commission only provides one service line to supply a building.The customers point of entrance must not be located directly above a building extension or split roof.The minimum height to which the overhead service conductors are to be connected are 3.7 metres above the finished variety level, or for a great height it is necessary to keep abreast it at a minimum height of 6.1 metres for clearance of the Commissions over head service line over roads.Every industrial i nstallation shall be adequately controlled by a manually operable, physically and electrically let ond fused main switch or hitch ledgeman. This disconnecting means shall be readily accessible to authorized or qualified personnel, properly identified and preferably located near to the service conductors as possible.Conductors and occupationsService Entrance Conductors are the portion of the installation between the point of entrance and the consumers main disconnecting device. This generally means it is the customer cable to which T TEC connects to give supply from the service line. The service line is connected to the Distribution main.TTEC service connects only to a champion consumers entrance cable at the point of supply to a building. The overhead line service conductors must be connected at a minimum height of 3.7 meters above finished grade level. For height that is greater it is necessary maintain a minimum height of 6.1 meters for clearance of the service line over roa ds. The entrance cables to the point of supply shall be in either rigid metallic conduit treated against corrosion or other approved non-corrosive enclosures or shall be concentric or tamper-proof cable form the consumers terminals to the metering equipment and should preferably track to the consumers main switch. If conduit is used, only standard conduit elbows and fittings to facilitate pulling of the cables should be allowed. An approve weather head is required at the consumers terminals at the point of supply and a minimum of 0.5 meters of cable must be left for connection to the Commissions overhead service line. Attachment to the commissions conductors shall be made a point no slight than 0.3 meters form the weather head. The consumer must also provide and install terminating lugs for connecting to cables with conductor sizes larger than 95mm2. For underground entrance cables, it is preferred that for 115/230V and 230/400V installations, the Consumers terminals at the point of supply be located at a pole plyed and maintained by the consumer.Size of Conductors Conduits And CablesThe size of an entrance cable for a building with two or more metered installations supplied at 115/230 or 230/400 volts shall not be less than 16 sq. mm. This cable size is for pig bed conductors with rubber, polythene or P.V.C. insulation. Other approved cables hatful be used with equivalent current carrying capacities.The size of every conductor shall be such that its current rank, is necessary, of rank factors appropriate to the type of cables and the conditions of installation, is not less than the maximum sustained current which will radiation patternly flow through it. Also the size of the conductor shall be that the voltage drop from the consumers terminals to any point in the installation does not snuff it 2.5% of the declared nominal voltage when the conductors are carrying the maximum current under their normal conditions of service.Single core cables armour ed with steel wire shall not be used for carrying alternating currentMINIMUM INSTALLATION BENDING RADIUSDuring installation, pre languorure ventricular contraction armored cables should not be bent to a smaller radius than six times the overall diameter for cables having circular conductors and eight times for other armored cables. Every cable termination shall be accessible for inspection and shall be mechanically and electrically sound. The insulation tape or braid shall be removed no further than is necessary.PROTECTION OF CABLESConductors of cables shall be insulated with the correct class of insulation in accordance with the appropriate standard to withstand a voltage not less than the highest sustained voltage to which they are likely to be subjected. Any insulation damaged by soldering otherwise shall be get along away and replaced by desirable insulation at least as thick effective as the original installation. Termination of cables should not be in locations where flammab le and/or explosive dust, liquid, vapor or gas is likely to be present. Otherwise the termination shall be enclosed in a noncombustible fitting. For paper or varnished-cambric-insulated, metal-sheathed cable, a wiped metal sleeve or joint box, filled with insulating compound shall be provided.Laying of cables undergroundCables underground must be 18 deep buried in red sand (sand bed) surrounded by concrete slabs then covered with red danger tape over the slabs. If the cable is passing under a roadway, the cable must be a concrete duct and must be inspected before being buried. place of transformer and switchgearAll service equipment which include transformers, panels, switch gear etc, must have a working space of 3 feet around them, they must be positioned where they are easily accessible to the authority, in an upfront foremost position away from pedestrian travel, if it is pedestrian travel place billards around them to prevent people from crashing into them. fourth dimensioningM etering can be accomplished through socket type metering or three phase metering, the later being more expensive.CurrentType0 200Single phase200Three phase wiring200-500Current transformer metering500High voltage meteringGenerally, a single meter is used to measures all electrical energy supplied at that single location. It records the number of units (kilowatt hours) of electricity you have used and is quite easy to read, and consumption records are simple to keep. The Trinidad and Tobago Electricity Commission uses the recorded electricity utilization to accurately calculate the consumer electrical bill. The three types of meter normally use are the digital, the Dial and the AMI meters. The service entrance cable is connected to the meter. If a splitter box is to be used first splitter box then the meter .If no splitter box is used, then connect only to the meter. divider arrangements can also be used to split the load.In metering there are a few regulations that must be follow ed in connection, positioning and reading. They are as followedFor an indoor-type meter, the consumer shall provide a meter-board for mounting the meter. This board shall be of an approved size, and shall be made from 19mm hard-wood stock, free from knots set plumb, and level and securely fastened for red-blooded supportsIn order to make meters more accessible, the tops of the meters should not be greater than 1.8m or less than 1.5m above infrastructure or finished grade level. A clear space of at least 0.9m in front of all meters must be available at all times.Meters should not be located over doorways, along stairways or directly under water pipes or drain pipes. They should also be mounted free from shock, vibrations and mechanical injury.Meter sockets should be installed on an outer ring of the building. In a building elevated more than 2.4m above ground, the meter should be located on one of the supporting columns of the building.Meters for a multi-level building shall be gr ouped in one location on either the basement or ground storey in an accessible location. Where there are greater than 6-metered installations, groups of at least 6 meters can be installed on the basement, ground floor, or an accessible upper floor. outdoor(prenominal) socket-type meters shall be installed for single phase 115/230V installations up to a maximum of 200A meter sockets of the ring less type can be used, but must be provided with an approved means for sealing the cover.Outdoor socket-type meters shall be installed for three-phase 115/230V and 230/400V. installments with loads up to 200A per phase. Whole current or self-contained socket-type meters shall meter such installationsFor 201-500A loads per phase, current transformers shall be used. The commission shall install a current transformer cabinet, meter-board and meter cabinet where necessary. The meter cabinet shall have a minimum profundity of 25.4cm. Between the current transformer cabinet and the meter board, a 20mm conduit containing three (3) 1.5mm2 red, white and blue, and four (4) 2.5mm2 red, white, blue and black 600V insulated conductors must be provided by the consumer. The conductors should be a maximum 15m in length. Lengths of at least 0.9m must be provided out incline the two ends of the conduit to permit the external connections to the meter and current transformer.Three-phase, 115/230V and 230/400V installations requiring loads in bare of 500A per phase shall be supplied and metered at high voltage. The metering unit shall be installed on a Distribution Pole or in the consumers transformer substation subject to the conditions of the supply.Fig. 4 Typical Installation Single Metered Low Voltage SupplyFigure Single meter high voltage supplyCIRCUIT BREAKERSA enlistment surf is a device for closing and interrupting a hitch between separable contacts under both normal and abnormal conditions, with selection establish on the type of application being either alternating current (ac) or direct current (dc). The established voltage rating of a circuit breakers is based on its clearance or space, between electrical circuits and between electrical components and the ground. electrical circuit breaker voltage ratings indicate the maximum electrical system voltage on which they can be applied. round ledgeman voltage must be equal to or greater than voltage of the electrical system on which they are used.Circuit breakers have two types of current ratings continuous current rating and fault current-interrupting capacity.Low voltage (less than railyard VAC) types are common in domestic, commercial and industrial application, includeMCB (Miniature Circuit Breaker)-rated current not more than 100 A. Trip characteristics normally not adjustable. caloric or thermal-magnetic operation. Breakers illustrated above are in this category.MCCB (Molded Case Circuit Breaker)-rated current up to 1000 A. Thermal or thermal-magnetic operation. Trip current may be adjustable i n larger ratings.Low voltage power circuit breakers can be mounted in multi-tiers in LV switchboards or switchgear cabinets.Positioning of circuit breakerA circuit breaker in a wet location or outside a building must be enclosed in a weatherproof enclosure. This enclosure must be so equipped as to prevent moisture and water from entering and accumulating within the cabinet.Circuit breakers must be mounted so that there is at least 6.35mmm of airspace between the enclosure and the wall or the supporting surface, with exceptions being metallic cabinets and cut-out boxes which may be installed without the airspace on a concrete, masonry, tile or similar surface.All circuit breakers should be installed at least 2m above the floor or working platform.FuseA fuse is placed in an electrical current circuit so that when current flow exceeds the rating of the fuse it blows or blows out. The elements in the fuse melt, opening the circuit and preventing other components of the circuit from bein g damaged by the over current. The size of the metal fuse element determines the rating. Once a fuse blows it must be replaced by a new one.Standards for the Use of Circuit Breakers and FusesThe minimum sizes of main switches or circuit breakers permitted on consumers installation are as followsCharacteristic of supplyMinimum Current rating115 volts, 2 wire, 1phase30 amperes115/230 volts, 3 wire, 1 phase60 amperes115/230 volts, 4 wire, 3 phase60 amperes115/400 volts, 4 wire, 3 phase60 amperesTable circuit breaker sizesThe consumer shall furnish and install a high voltage circuit breaker at the primary disconnecting means for an installation with a maximum demand in excess of 800 KVA.In a building with more than one independently metered Consumers Installation a metal splitter box with a suitably sized Circuit Breaker for each Installation shall be installed between the Consumers Entrance Cable and the meter sockets by the Consumer/s or Landlord. Provision shall be mode on the split ter box for the Commission to apply its seals or locks. Each Circuit Breaker In the splitter box shall be suitably identified with the Consumers Installation connected to it.Where there are seven or more separately metered Consumers Installations in a building, a main disconnecting means or Circuit Breaker shall be installed between the Consumers Entrance Cables and the group of Circuit Breakers In the splitter box by the Consumers or Landlord. Provision shall be made for the sealing or locking of this switch or breaker by the Commission.Consumer shall furnish and install a high voltage Circuit Breaker as the primary disconnecting means for an Installation with a maximum demand in excess of 800 KVA. The Consumer should conform with the Commissions Specification with respect to the rating and rupturing capacity of the Circuit Breaker. The limits of the Consumers protection panorama shall be stipulated by the Commission to ensure discrimination with the protection of the Commissions system.It is recommended that the Consumer maintain an adequate supply of spare parts for the normal maintenance of his circuit breaker and ancillary apparatus.The selection of the type of circuit breaker most suitable for protection of a DC installation depends mainly on the following criteriaThe current, which determines the rating of the equipmentThe rated voltage, which determines the number of poles in series necessary for breakingThe maximum frustrate current at the point of installation, which determines the breaking capacityThe type of network.It is recommended that the consumer maintain an adequate supply of spare parts for the normal maintenance of his circuit breaker and ancillary apparatusBRANCH CIRCUITRYA branch circuit is defined as that part of an electric circuit extending beyond the last circuit breaker or fuse. The branch circuits start at the breaker box and extend to the electrical devices connected to the service. Branch circuits are the last part of the circui t furnish electrical devices. These circuits are classified in two different ways, according to the type of loads they serve or according to their current-carrying capacity.MotorsThe table below manoeuver the supplies required for motors with different power rating.Motor power rating /wattsSupply750 and below115/230, single phaseBetween 750 and 5.6K230, single or 3 phase5.6K and over230/400, 3 phaseFor single-phase motors rated between 3.75 Kilowatts and 5.6 Kilowatts it should be arranged for no load starting. Motors of over 5.6 kilowatts must be arranged for reduced voltage starting. The commission will be prepared to consider direct online starting of motors of these sizes where the supply to the consumers installation is at high voltage. Any apparatus having power rating larger than 2.5 KVA can be supplied at either 115/230, single phase. Apparatus greater than 2.5KVA up to and including 15 KVA in size can be supplied at 230 volts, single phase. Any rating larger than 15 KVA i n size can only be supplied from a three-phase supply. Single-phase appliances and motors supplied from a 3 or 4 wire installations shall be so connected that the operational current unbalanced would be a minimum. Three phase motors should be protected against single phasing conditions. When the rotor of the motor is locked, the motor requires the highest current. Direct online starters can be used also, if current goes and comes.PlugsPlugs in most residential and commercial establishments do not exceed one hundred fiftyV between conductors on branch circuits. That is, they are usually rated at 15-20A with exception to a 240V circuits.LightingLighting circuits usually do not exceed 150 watts to ground. These circuits are usually rated at 15 amperes or less in most homes and commercial establishments due to the fact that at some time during the use of the device the consumer may see the need to replace the fixture.Qualify personnel only should service the lighting fixtures. When in stalling for industrial purposes the voltage to the ground on the lighting circuit could be as much as 330V. With these conditions incandescent fixtures must be mounted 8 feet or more above the floor or at the available height. Where conditions do not permit 8 feet, then the fixtures should not be readily accessible (i.e. they should be encased, etc). Such a supply would be provided by a 3-phase, 4-wire 277/480V wire system.For public and commercials compasss the voltage should not exceed 300V to the ground. Trinidad and Tobago wiring code law states that no final circuit should provide more than 15 lighting fixtures.Type of receptacleMaximum Number of OutletsMaximum Branch Rating (Amps)Maximum Cable Cross-section (mm2)RemarksDOMESTICSocket take other than kitchen or laundry6202.515 A DuplexKitchen2202.515 A DuplexLaundry1202.520 A DuplexAir condition1202.515 A, 230V DuplexINDUSTRIALLighting6 x 115V8 x 115V15201.52.5200VA per outletReceptable outlets3451520301.52.54.0500VA per out letGROUNDINGGrounding is one of the most important factors involving electrical wiring, it provides safety to personnel, equipment and safety.Standards for Groundingi) All wiring installations shall include a consumers basis terminal or the equivalent to which the following shall be connected by an worldly concern-continuity conductorAll metal work associated with the wiring system including cable sheets, armor, conduits, ducts, and boxes.Exposed metal of apparatus orb terminals of socket-outletsOne point of the supplemental winding and of the metal work of any transformer used in the installation, except where the transformer is contained in apparatusii) The connection to the earth electrode or any other means of earthing shall be readily accessible and soundly made by use of soldered joints or substantial clamps of non-ferrous material and where connection is made to a metal pipe of external diameter not exceeding 100mm, clamps of an approval type shall be used.iii) The earthi ng lead shall be connected to the line side of the consumers main disconnecting means, to an effective earth electrode buried in the ground, for example a metal water pipe system having metal to metal joints or to a copper strip or rod. Connection to a water pipe shall be made as near as practicable to the point of entry onto the ground. atom smasher piping or non-metallic water piping shall not be used. Metal frames or portable, stationary and fixed electric appliances operating on circuits above 50 volts to ground shall be earthed in an approved manner. Metal fixtures and lighting equipment installed on outlets wired with grounded multicore cable, with metal subspecies, grounded metal-clad cable, non-metallic sheathed cable on circuits operating at more than 50 volts to ground shall be earthed.iv) Socket-outlets and cord connectors equipped with innovation contacts shall have those contacts effectively earthed. The branch circuits or branch circuit wiring shall include or provi de a understructure conductor to which the earthing contacts with the receptacle or cord connector shall be connected. The armour of the metal-clad cable or a metallic raceway is acceptable as a ground connector. Equipment shall be considered as grounded where mechanically connected in a steadfast and effective manner to metal raceway, the armour of the meta-clad cable, the grounding conductor in a non-metallic or to a separate grounding conductor not smaller than 2.5mm2, provided that the raceway or grounding conductor is itself grounded in an approved manner.v) The earthing arrangements of the consumer installation shall be such that on the occurrence of a fault of negligible impedance from a phase or non-earthed conductor to adjacent exposed metal, a current corresponding to 3 times the rating of the fuse, or one and a half times the setting of the over-load circuit-breaker can flow, so that the faulty circuit can be made dead. Alternatively and in every instance where this req uirement cannot be met, an earth-leakage circuit breaker shall be installed. A voltage-operated earth-leakage circuit breaker shall be connected between the consumer earth terminal and a suitable earth electrode. The connection between the earth terminal operating coil and earth electrode shall be insulated.Grounding of buildings and equipmentIt is standard for all wiring installations to have an earth terminal or grounding electrode.The earth terminal must be connected in the appropriate manner to the circuitry of the installation by means of the earth continuity conductor or the grounding electrode conductor.Where there is a transformer outside of the building there must also be an additional ground connection from the grounded service conductor to a grounding electrode, either at the transformer or elsewhere outside the building. A grounding connection must not be made however, at the load side of the service disconnecting means.Where an installation consists of multiple building s, a grounding conductor must be made at each building.All the socket outlets and cord connectors in an installation equipped with grounding contacts must have them effectively earthed.The branch circuits or branch wiring must include a grounding conductor to which the earthing contacts shall be connected.As a standard all metal fixtures and lighting equipment installed on outlets wired with grounded multi-core cable, metal raceway, grounded multi-clad cable and non-metallic sheathed cable on circuits operating at more than 50 volts to ground must be earthed.In turn equipment are considered grounded if they are mechanically connected in a permanent and effective manner to a metal raceway (the armour of a metal-clad cable), the grounding conductor in a non-metallic sheath or to a separate grounding conductor not smaller than 2.5mm2, provided that the raceway is itself earthed in an appropriate manner.Switch plates, wiring boxes, conduit, cabinets, and lightsTypes of equipment that sh ould be groundedAll metal work associated with the wiring system including cable sheets, armour, conduit, ducts and boxesExposed metal apparatus background terminals of socket-outletsOne point of the secondary winding and of the metal work of any transformer used in the installation with the exception of transformers contained in apparatus.Electric motor framesEquipment needs to be grounded under any of these circumstancesThe equipment is within 8 feet vertically and 5 feet horizontally of the floor or walking surface.The equipment is within 8 feet vertically and 5 feet horizontally of grounded metal objects you could touch.The equipment is located in a wet or damp area and is not isolated.The equipment is connected to a power supply by cord and plug and is not double-insulated.Types of earth electrodesEarth matsEarth mats typically resemble a wire mesh. They are used where there are high voltages, and several cables carrying those high voltages (such as in industrial areas). Each o f the multiple cables is grounded to the earth mat rather than connecting all these cables to one grounding electrode. They are used mainly in substations and can be placed above or below ground. Earth plates are used to attain an effective earth in shallow soils with underlying rocks or in locations with large amounts of buried services. They can also provide protection at potentially dangerous places e.g. HV switching positions.Copper Earth RodsCopper rods of 20mm or 25mm diameter are used where there are high-resistance earth conditions. It is possible to obtain copper rods with end-on connections where a length may be driven in, the removable hard-steel tip unscrewed, and a further length of rod screwed on. Earth rods take advantage of lower resistivity soils at greater depths than normal excavation will allow. Quality earth rods are commonly made from either solid copper, stainless steel or copper bonded steel.http//tbn1.google.com/images?q=tbnIODNxco1mtW8xMhttp//www.rcoombs.co .uk/earthstake.jpg1LIGHTINGMain types of lighting fixtures used in workshopsTubular Fluorescent LampsThe high efficiency and congeneric luminous intensity of such types of lamps results in their extensive use in many workshops. However, fluorescent lamps are highly unsuitable for the lighting of areas containing moving or rotating machinery. The lamps can cause a strobe effect that makes it difficult to observe the movement of the machine and, in some cases, the machine may appear to be stationary.Color Corrected Mercury LampsThese lamps, when used in conjunction with external reflectors are extensively used in industrial lighting, both inside the building and outside.Incandescent Filament LampsThe small filament size allows close optical control for directional and local lighting.Glare Reduction-Glare occurs when a light source is seen directly, or by reflection, and is too bright when compared with the general brightness of the rest of the interior. The color of light used in a b uilding should be chosen so as to prevent excessive glare. There are two types of glare, viz. disability glare (which impairs vision) and discomfort glare (which causes visual discomfort). Lamps of intermediate or warm colors should be used for general lighting in order to prevent or minimize glare.Reducing the luminance of the source create the glare or changing the relative positions of the observer and the source can also reduce glare. Lamps should be shielded from direct sight by louvers or reflectors. Also, diffusing ceilings may be used in order to spread the light over a wider are

Mitochondria Essay -- essays research papers

MitochondriaMitochondria are tiny organelles found in nearly all eukaryotic cells. They are rather large organelles ranging from 0.5m to 10m in length and 1m in diameter. The mitochondria are the energy factories of the cell and are located in the cytoplasm. They are the sites of cellular respiration. The mitochondria are trustworthy for generating ATP from such organic fuels as simple sugars and fats in the process of cellular respiration. This doubled-membrane organelle has its own DNA and can reproduce by split up itself.The mitochondria are sausage-shaped structures that move, change their shape and divide. They are distinct organelles with two membranes, the versed membrane and the outer membrane. The outer membrane is smooth and limits the organelle. It is highly permeable to microscopic solutes such as molecules and ions, but it blocks off passages of proteins and other macromolecules.The inner membrane of the mitochondria is folded into shelf like structures called crist ae. The cristae does not even allow the passage of small ions and so it maintains a closed space within the cell. The many infoldings of the cristae are responsible for providing the mitochondrion with a large surface area which enhances the productivity of respiration.The inner membrane and outer membrane effectively divide the mitochondria into two internal compartments. The space located between the outer and inner mitochondrial membrane is called the intermembrane space. The space enfold by th...

The Signalman and The Red Room are well known examples of nineteenth :: English Literature

The Signalman and The Red Room atomic number 18 fountainhead known examples of nineteenth speed of light ghost storiesHow effectively do the authors of The Red Room and The Signalmancreate a sense of suspense in the storyThe Signalman and The Red Room are well known examples ofnineteenth century ghost stories. The Signalman by Charles fiend waswritten in 1865, which was the time of developing literacy. This shortstory was presented in three separate as it was previously in aperiodical form this technique was also used to create suspense andtherefore leaves the reader at a cliff hanger after each episode,which in turn motivates the reader to read on. There were many rumorsabout this story as many people suggested that Dickens wrote thisstory as a remembrance of the day he was involved in a railwayaccident which killed ten people. Furthermore, He was writing in theVictorian times, when there was a massive change in technology as newinventions were created, e.g. the Train.In comparis on The Red Room was written wholly thirty years later in 1894by HG Wells although it feels more timeless. At that time technologyhad improved intensely, nevertheless Wells hush up imitated the oldfashion gothic literature style writing, which is ironic, due to thetime. Both stories commence managed to engage its audience by creatingsuspense and tension. Besides that both stories defecate been written infirst person, this in sequence makes it sinister, in a way because weget to know the narrators impressions and feelings.The authors of both stories have selected discomforting places inwhich to set their story, they are made more eerie because that in the19th century time many people believed in ghosts and the supernatural.First of all The Signalman is determined in a very isolated place, as thenarrator describes as solitary and dismal a place as I ever power saw Thissuggest that it is a remote, despondent place which is suitable forthe supernatural to exist. Before even meeting the Signalman, thenarrator says steeped in the glow of an angry sunset and so littlesunlight that it had an earthy, deadly smell the use ofpathetic-fallacy and symbolism suggests that its getting dark anddescribes a sense of imminent death. The reader is also told it isthis salient dungeon the oxymoron used suggests confinement a placewhere its hard to escape, this therefore makes it more sinister in away as dungeons are dark and cold and give a sense of fear.The darkness prominently reduces visibility between the narrator andthe signalman as said I was near enough to have touched him and